TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

* Italics are denoted by underscores as in italics. * Small caps are represented in upper case as in SMALL CAPS. * Letter spaced Greek text is enclosed in tildes as in ~καὶ τὰ λοιπά~. * Footnotes have been renumbered. Each footnote is placed at the end of the paragraph that includes its anchor. * Obvious printer errors have been silently corrected, after comparison with a later edition of this work. Greek text has also been corrected after checking with this later edition and with Perseus, when the reference was found. * Original spelling, hyphenation and punctuation have been kept, but variant spellings were made consistent when a predominant usage was found. * Nevetherless, no attempt has been made at normalizing proper names. The author established at the beginning of the first volume of this work some rules of transcription for proper names, but neither he nor his publisher follow them consistently.

HISTORY OF GREECE.

BY

GEORGE GROTE, ESQ.

VOL. IV.

REPRINTED FROM THE SECOND LONDON EDITION.

NEW YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS.
329 AND 331 PEARL STREET.
1880.

CONTENTS.

VOL. IV.

PART II.

CONTINUATION OF HISTORICAL GREECE.

CHAPTER XXV.

ILLYRIANS, MACEDONIANS, PÆONIANS.

Different tribes of Illyrians. — Conflicts and contrast of Illyrians with Greeks. — Epidamnus and Apollonia in relation to the Illyrians. — Early Macedonians. — Their original seats. — General view of the country which they occupied — eastward of Pindus and Skardus. — Distribution and tribes of the Macedonians. — Macedonians round Edessa — the leading portion of the nation. — Pierians and Bottiæans — originally placed on the Thermaic gulf, between the Macedonians and the sea. — Pæonians. — Argeian Greeks who established the dynasty of Edessa — Perdikkas. — Talents for command manifested by Greek chieftains over barbaric tribes. — Aggrandizement of the dynasty of Edessa — conquests as far as the Thermaic gulf, as well as over the interior Macedonians. — Friendship between king Amyntas and the Peisistratids. pages 1-19

CHAPTER XXVI.

THRACIANS AND GREEK COLONIES IN THRACE.

Thracians — their numbers and abode. — Many distinct tribes, yet little diversity of character. — Their cruelty, rapacity, and military efficiency. — Thracian worship and character Asiatic. — Early date of the Chalkidic colonies in Thrace. — Methônê the earliest — about 720 B. C. — Several other small settlements on the Chalkidic peninsula and its three projecting headlands. — Chalkidic peninsula — Mount Athos. — Colonies in Pallênê, or the westernmost of the three headlands. — In Sithonia, or the middle headland. — In the headland of Athos — Akanthus, Stageira, etc. — Greek settlements east of the Strymôn in Thrace. — Island of Thasus. — Thracian Chersonesus. — Perinthus, Selymoria, and Byzantium. — Grecian settlements on the Euxine, south of the Danube. — Lemnos and Imbros. 20-28

CHAPTER XXVII.

KYRENE AND BARKA. — HESPERIDES.

First voyages of the Greeks to Libya. — Foundation of Kyrênê. — Founded by Battus from the island of Thêra. — Colony first settled in the island of Platea — afterwards removed to Kyrênê. — Situation of Kyrênê. — Fertility, produce, and prosperity. — Libyan tribes near Kyrênê. — Extensive dominion of Kyrênê and Barka over the Libyans. — Connection of the Greek colonies with the Nomads of Libya. — Manners of the Libyan Nomads. — Mixture of Greeks and Libyan inhabitants at Kyrênê. — Dynasty of Battus, Arkesilaus, Battus the Second, at Kyrênê — fresh colonists from Greece. — Disputes with the native Libyans. — Arkesilaus the Second, prince of Kyrênê — misfortunes of the city — foundation of Barka. — Battus the Third, a lame man — reform by Demônax, who takes away the supreme power from the Battiads. — New emigration — restoration of the Battiad Arkesilaus the Third. — Oracle limiting the duration of the Battiad dynasty. — Violences at Kyrênê under Arkesilaus the Third. — Arkesilaus sends his submission to Kambysês, king of Persia. — Persian expedition from Egypt against Barka — Pheretimê, mother of Arkesilaus. — Capture of Barka by perfidy — cruelty of Pheretimê. — Battus the Fourth and Arkesilaus the Fourth — final extinction of the dynasty about 460-450 B. C. — Constitution of Demônax not durable. 29-49

CHAPTER XXVIII.

PAN-HELLENIC FESTIVALS — OLYMPIC, PYTHIAN, NEMEAN, AND ISTHMIAN.

Want of grouping and unity in the early period of Grecian history. — New causes, tending to favor union, begin after 560 B. C. — no general war between 776 and 560 B. C. known to Thucydidês. — Increasing disposition to religious, intellectual, and social union. — Reciprocal admission of cities to the religious festivals of each other. — Early splendor of the Ionic festival at Delos — its decline. — Olympic games — their celebrity and long continuance. — Their gradual increase — new matches introduced. — Olympic festival — the first which passes from a local to a Pan-Hellenic character. — Pythian games, or festival. — Early state and site of Delphi. — Phocian town of Krissa. — Kirrha, the seaport of Krissa. — Growth of Delphi and Kirrha — decline of Krissa. — Insolence of the Kirrhæans punished by the Amphiktyons. — First Sacred War, in 595 B. C. — Destruction of Kirrha. — Pythian games founded by the Amphiktyons. — Nemean and Isthmian games. — Pan-Hellenic character acquired by all the four festivals — Olympic, Pythian, Nemean, and Isthmian. — Increased frequentation of the other festivals in most Greek cities. — All other Greek cities, except Sparta, encouraged such visits. — Effect of these festivals upon the Greek mind. 50-73

CHAPTER XXIX.

LYRIC POETRY. — THE SEVEN WISE MEN.

Age and duration of the Greek lyric poetry. — Epical age preceding the lyrical. — Wider range of subjects for poetry — new metres — enlarged musical scale. — Improvement of the harp by Terpander — of the flute by Olympus and others. — Archilochus, Kallinus, Tyrtæus, and Alkman — 670-600 B. C. — New metres superadded to the Hexameter — Elegiac, Iambic, Trochaic. — Archilochus. — Simonidês of Amorgos, Kallinus, Tyrtæus. — Musical and poetical tendencies at Sparta. — Choric training — Alkman, Thalêtas. — Doric dialect employed in the choric compositions. — Arion and Stêsichorus — substitution of the professional in place of the popular chorus. — Distribution of the chorus by Stêsichorus — Strophê — Antistrophê — Epôdus. — Alkæus and Sappho. — Gnomic or moralizing poets. — Solon and Theognis. — Subordination of musical and orchestrical accompaniment to the words and meaning. — Seven Wise Men. — They were the first men who acquired an Hellenic reputation, without poetical genius. — Early manifestation of philosophy — in the form of maxims. — Subsequent growth of dialectics and discussion. — Increase of the habit of writing — commencement of prose compositions. — First beginnings of Grecian art. — Restricted character of early art, from religious associations. — Monumental ornaments in the cities — begin in the sixth century B. C. — Importance of Grecian art as a means of Hellenic union. 73-101

CHAPTER XXX.

GRECIAN AFFAIRS DURING THE GOVERNMENT OF PEISISTRATUS AND HIS SONS AT ATHENS.

Peisistratus and his sons at Athens — B. C. 500-510 — uncertain chronology as to Peisistratus. — State of feeling in Attica at the accession of Peisistratus. — Retirement of Peisistratus, and stratagem whereby he is reinstated. — Quarrel of Peisistratus with the Alkmæônids — his second retirement. — His second and final restoration. — His strong government — mercenaries — purification of Delos. — Mild despotism of Peisistratus. — His sons Hippias and Hipparchus. — Harmodius and Aristogeitôn. — They conspire and kill Hipparchus. B. C. 514. — Strong and lasting sentiment, coupled with great historical mistake, in the Athenian public. — Hippias despot alone — 514-510 B. C. — his cruelty and conscious insecurity. — Connection of Athens with the Thracian Chersonesus and the Asiatic coast of the Hellespont. — First Miltiadês — œkist of the Chersonese. — Second Miltiadês — sent out thither by the Peisistratids. — Proceedings of the exiled Alkmæônids against Hippias. — Conflagration and rebuilding of the Delphian temple. — The Alkmæônids rebuild the temple with magnificence. — Gratitude of the Delphians towards them — they procure from the oracle directions to Sparta, enjoining the expulsion of Hippias. — Spartan expeditions into Attica. — Expulsion of Hippias, and liberation of Athens. 102-126

CHAPTER XXXI.

GRECIAN AFFAIRS AFTER THE EXPULSION OF THE PEISISTRATIDS. — REVOLUTION OF KLEISTHENES AND ESTABLISHMENT OF DEMOCRACY AT ATHENS.

State of Athens after the expulsion of Hippias. — Opposing party-leaders — Kleisthenês — Isagoras. — Democratical revolution headed by Kleisthenês. — Rearrangement and extension of the political franchise. — Suppression of the four old tribes, and formation of ten new tribes, including an increased number of the population. — Imperfect description of this event in Herodotus — its real bearing. — Grounds of opposition to it in ancient Athenian feeling. — Names of the new tribes — their relation to the demes. — Demes belonging to each tribe usually not adjacent to each other. — Arrangements and functions of the deme. — Solonian constitution preserved, with modifications. — Change of military arrangement in the state. — The ten stratêgi, or generals. — The judicial assembly of citizens, or Heliæa, subsequently divided into fractions, each judging separately. — The political assembly, or ekklesia. — Financial arrangements. — Senate of Five Hundred. — Ekklesia, or political assembly. — Kleisthenês the real author of the Athenian democracy. — Judicial attributes of the people — their gradual enlargement. — Three points in Athenian constitutional law, hanging together: — Universal admissibility of citizens to magistracy — choice by lot — reduced functions of the magistrates chosen by lot. — Universal admissibility of citizens to the archonship — not introduced until after the battle of Platæa. — Constitution of Kleisthenês retained the Solonian law of exclusion as to individual office. — Difference between that constitution and the political state of Athens after Periklês. — Senate of Areopagus. — The ostracism. — Weakness of the public force in the Grecian governments. — Past violences of the Athenian nobles. — Necessity of creating a constitutional morality. — Purpose and working of the ostracism. — Securities against its abuse. — Ostracism necessary as a protection to the early democracy — afterwards dispensed with. — Ostracism analogous to the exclusion of a known pretender to the throne in a monarchy. — Effect of the long ascendency of Periklês, in strengthening constitutional morality. — Ostracism in other Grecian cities. — Striking effect of the revolution of Kleisthenês on the minds of the citizens. — Isagoras calls in Kleomenês and the Lacedæmonians against it. — Kleomenês and Isagoras are expelled from Athens. — Recall of Kleisthenês — Athens solicits the alliance of the Persians. — First connection between Athens and Platæa. — Disputes between Platæa and Thebes — decision of Corinth as arbitrator. — Second march of Kleomenês against Athens — desertion of his allies. — First appearance of Sparta as acting head of Peloponnesian allies. — Signal successes of Athens against Bœotians and Chalkidians. — Plantation of Athenian settlers, or klêruchs, in the territory of Chalkis. — Distress of the Thebans — they ask assistance from Ægina. — The Æginetans make war on Athens. — Preparations at Sparta to attack Athens anew — the Spartan allies are summoned, together with Hippias. — First formal convocation at Sparta — advance of Greece towards a political system. — Proceedings of the convocation — animated protest of Corinth against any interference in favor of Hippias — the Spartan allies refuse to interfere. — Aversion to single-headed rule — now predominant in Greece. — Striking development of Athenian energy after the revolution of Kleisthenês — language of Herodotus. — Effect of the idea or theory of democracy in exciting Athenian sentiment. — Patriotism of an Athenian between 500-400 B. C. — combined with an eager spirit of personal military exertion and sacrifice. — Diminution of this active sentiment in the restored democracy after the Thirty Tyrants. 126-181

CHAPTER XXXII.

RISE OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE. — CYRUS.

State of Asia before the rise of the Persian monarchy. — Great power and alliances of Crœsus. — Rise of Cyrus — uncertainty of his early history. — Story of Astyagês. — Herodotus and Ktêsias. — Condition of the native Persians at the first rise of Cyrus. — Territory of Iran — between Tigris and Indus. — War between Cyrus and Crœsus. — Crœsus tests the oracles — triumphant reply from Delphi — munificence of Crœsus to the oracle. — Advice given to him by the oracle. — He solicits the alliance of Sparta. — He crosses the Halys and attacks the Persians. — Rapid march of Cyrus to Sardis. — Siege and capture of Sardis. — Crœsus becomes prisoner of Cyrus — how treated. — Remonstrance addressed by Crœsus to the Delphian god. — Successful justification of the oracle. — Fate of Crœsus impressive to the Greek mind. — The Mœræ, or Fates. — State of the Asiatic Greeks after the conquest of Lydia by Cyrus. — They apply in vain to Sparta for aid. — Cyrus quits Sardis — revolt of the Lydians suppressed. — The Persian general Mazarês attacks Ionia — the Lydian Paktyas. — Harpagus succeeds Mazarês — conquest of Ionia by the Persians. — Fate of Phôkæa. — Emigration of the Phôkæans vowed by all, executed only by one half. — Phôkæan colony first at Alalia, then at Elea. — Proposition of Bias for a Pan-Ionic emigration not adopted. — Entire conquest of Asia Minor by the Persians. 182-208

CHAPTER XXXIII.

GROWTH OF THE PERSIAN EMPIRE.

Conquests of Cyrus in Asia. — His attack of Babylon. — Difficult approach to Babylon — no resistance made to the invaders. — Cyrus distributes the river Gyndês into many channels. — He takes Babylon, by drawing off for a time the waters of the Euphrates. — Babylon left in undiminished strength and population. — Cyrus attacks the Massagetæ — is defeated and slain. — Extraordinary stimulus to the Persians, from the conquests of Cyrus. — Character of the Persians. — Thirst for foreign conquest among the Persians, for three reigns after Cyrus. — Kambysês succeeds his father Cyrus — his invasion of Egypt. — Death of Amasis, king of Egypt, at the time when the Persian expedition was preparing — his son Psammenitus succeeds. — Conquest of Egypt by Kambysês. — Submission of Kyrênê and Barka to Kambysês — his projects for conquering Libya and Ethiopia disappointed. — Insults of Kambysês to the Egyptian religion. — Madness of Kambysês — he puts to death his younger brother, Smerdis. — Conspiracy of the Magian Patizeithês who sets up his brother as king under the name of Smerdis. — Death of Kambysês. — Reign of the false Smerdis — conspiracy of the seven Persian noblemen against him — he is slain. — Darius succeeds to the throne. — Political bearing of this conspiracy — Smerdis represents Median preponderance, which is again put down by Darius. — Revolt of the Medes — suppressed. — Discontents of the satraps. — Revolt of Babylon. — Reconquered and dismantled by Darius. — Organization of the Persian empire by Darius. — Twenty satrapies with a fixed tribute apportioned to each. — Imposts upon the different satrapies. — Organizing tendency of Darius — first imperial coinage — imperial roads and posts. — Island of Samos — its condition at the accession of Darius. — Polykratês. — Polykratês breaks with Amasis, king of Egypt, and allies himself with Kambysês. — The Samian exiles, expelled by Polykratês, apply to Sparta for aid. — The Lacedæmonians attack Samos, but are repulsed. — Attack on Siphnos by the Samian exiles. — Prosperity of Polykratês. — He is slain by the Persian satrap Orœtês. — Mæandrius, lieutenant of Polykratês in Samos — he desires to establish a free government after the death of Polykratês — conduct of the Samians. — Mæandrius becomes despot. — Contrast between the Athenians and the Samians. — Sylosôn, brother of Polykratês, lands with a Persian army in Samos — his history. — Mæandrius agrees to evacuate the island. — Many Persian officers slain — slaughter of the Samians. — Sylosôn despot at Samos. — Application of Mæandrius to Sparta for aid — refused. 209-252

CHAPTER XXXIV.

DEMOKEDES. — DARIUS INVADES SCYTHIA.

Conquering dispositions of Darius. — Influence of his wife, Atossa. — Dêmokêdês, the Krotoniate surgeon — his adventures — he is carried a slave to Susa. — He cures Darius, who rewards him munificently. — He procures permission by artifice, and through the influence of Atossa, to return to Greece. — Atossa suggests to Darius an expedition against Greece. — Dêmokêdês, with some Persians, is sent to procure information for him. — Voyage of Dêmokêdês along the coast of Greece — he stays at Kroton — fate of his Persian companions. — Consequences which might have been expected to happen if Darius had then undertaken his expedition against Greece. — Darius marches against Scythia. — His naval force formed of Asiatic and insular Greeks. — He directs the Greeks to throw a bridge over the Danube and crosses the river. — He marches into Scythia — narrative of his march impossible and unintelligible, considered as history. — The description of his march is rather to be looked upon as a fancy-picture, illustrative of Scythian warfare. — Poetical grouping of the Scythians and their neighbors by Herodotus. — Strong impression produced upon the imagination of Herodotus by the Scythians. — Orders given by Darius to the Ionians at the bridge over the Danube. — The Ionians are left in guard of the bridge; their conduct when Darius’s return is delayed. — The Ionian despots preserve the bridge and enable Darius to recross the river, as a means of support to their own dominion at home. — Opportunity lost of emancipation from the Persians — Conquest of Thrace by the Persians as far as the river Strymon — Myrkinus near that river given to Histiæus. — Macedonians and Pæonians are conquered by Megabazus. — Insolence of the Persian envoys in Macedonia — they are murdered. — Histiæus founds a prosperous colony at Myrkinus — Darius sends for him into Asia. — Otanês Persian general on the Hellespont — he conquers the Pelasgian population of Lemnos, Imbros, etc. — Lemnos and Imbros captured by the Athenians and Miltiadês. 252-280

CHAPTER XXXV.

IONIC REVOLT.

Darius carries Histiæus to Susa. — Application of the banished Hippias to Artaphernês, satrap of Sardis. — State of the island of Naxos — Naxian exiles solicit aid from Aristagoras of Milêtus. — Expedition against Naxos, undertaken by Aristagoras with the assistance of Artaphernês the satrap. — Its failure, through dispute between Aristagoras and the Persian general, Megabatês. — Alarm of Aristagoras — he determines to revolt against Persia — instigation to the same effect from Histiæus. — Revolt of Aristagoras and the Milesians — the despots in the various cities deposed and seized. — Extension of the revolt throughout Asiatic Greece — Aristagoras goes to solicit aid from Sparta. — Refusal of the Spartans to assist him. — Aristagoras applies to Athens — obtains aid both from Athens and Eretria. — March of Aristagoras up to Sardis with the Athenian and Eretrian allies — burning of the town — retreat and defeat of these Greeks by the Persians. — The Athenians abandon the alliance. — Extension of the revolt to Cyprus and Byzantium. — Phenician fleet called forth by the Persians — Persian and Phenician armament sent against Cyprus — the Ionians send aid thither — victory of the Persians — they reconquer the island. — Successes of the Persians against the revolted coast of Asia Minor. — Aristagoras loses courage and abandons the country. — Appearance of Histiæus, who had obtained leave of departure from Susa. — Histiæus is suspected by Artaphernês — flees to Chios. — He attempts in vain to procure admission into Milêtus — puts himself at the head of a small piratical squadron. — Large Persian force assembled, aided by the Phenician fleet, for the siege of Milêtus. — The allied Grecian fleet mustered at Ladê. — Attempts of the Persians to disunite the allies, by means of the exiled despots. — Want of command and discipline in the Grecian fleet. — Energy of the Phôkæan Dionysius — he is allowed to assume the command. — Discontent of the Grecian crews — they refuse to act under Dionysius. — Contrast of this incapacity of the Ionic crews with the subsequent severe discipline of the Athenian seamen. — Disorder and mistrust grow up in the fleet — treachery of the Samian captains. — Complete victory of the Persian fleet at Ladê — ruin of the Ionic fleet — severe loss of the Chians. — Voluntary exile and adventures of Dionysius. — Siege, capture, and ruin of Milêtus by the Persians. — The Phenician fleet reconquers all the coast-towns and islands. — Narrow escape of Miltiadês from their pursuit. — Cruelties of the Persians after the reconquest. — Movements and death of Histiæus. — Sympathy and terror of the Athenians at the capture of Milêtus — the tragic writer Phrynichus is fined. 280-310

CHAPTER XXXVI.

FROM THE IONIC REVOLT TO THE BATTLE OF MARATHON.

Proceedings of the satrap Artaphernês after the reconquest of Ionia — Mardonius comes with an army into Ionia — he puts down the despots in the Greek cities. — He marches into Thrace and Macedonia — his fleet destroyed by a terrible storm near Mount Athos — he returns into Asia. — Island of Thasos — prepares to revolt from the Persians — forced to submit. — Preparations of Darius for invading Greece — he sends heralds round the Grecian towns to demand earth and water — many of them submit. — Ægina among those towns which submitted — state and relations of this island. — Heralds from Darius are put to death, both at Athens and Sparta. — Effects of this act in throwing Sparta into a state of hostility against Persia. — The Athenians appeal to Sparta, in consequence of the medism (or submission to the Persians) of Ægina. — Interference of Sparta — her distinct acquisition and acceptance of the leadership of Greece. — One condition of recognized Spartan leadership was the extreme weakness of Argos at this moment. — Victorious war of Sparta against Argos. — Destruction of the Argeians by Kleomenês, in the grove of the hero Argus. — Kleomenês returns without having attacked the city of Argos. — He is tried — his peculiar mode of defence — acquitted. — Argos unable to interfere with Sparta in the affair of Ægina and in her presidential power. — Kleomenês goes to Ægina to seize the medizing leaders — resistance made to him, at the instigation of his colleague Demaratus. — Demaratus is deposed, and Leotychidês chosen king, by the intrigues of Kleomenês. — Demaratus leaves Sparta and goes to Darius. — Kleomenês and Leotychidês go to Ægina, seize ten hostages, and convey them as prisoners to Athens. — Important effect of this proceeding upon the result of the first Persian invasion of Greece. — Assemblage of the vast Persian armament under Datis at Samos. — He crosses the Ægean — carries the island of Naxos without resistance — respects Delos. — He reaches Eubœa — siege and capture of Eretria. — Datis lands at Marathon. — Existing condition and character of the Athenians. — Miltiadês — his adventures — chosen one of the ten generals in the year in which the Persians landed at Marathon. — Themistoklês and Aristeidês. — Miltiadês, Aristeidês, and perhaps Themistoklês, were now among the ten stratêgi, or generals, in 490 B. C. — The Athenians ask aid from Sparta — delay of the Spartans. — Difference of opinion among the ten Athenian generals — five of them recommend an immediate battle, the other five are adverse to it. — Urgent instances of Miltiadês in favor of an immediate battle — casting-vote of the polemarch determines it. — March of the Athenians to Marathon — the Platæans spontaneously join them there. — Numbers of the armies. — Locality of Marathon. — Battle of Marathon — rapid charge of Miltiadês — defeat of the Persians. — Loss on both sides. — Ulterior plans of the Persians against Athens — party in Attica favorable to them. — Rapid march of Miltiadês back to Athens on the day of the battle. — The Persians abandon the enterprise, and return home. — Athens rescued through the speedy battle brought on by Miltiadês. — Change of Grecian feeling as to the Persians — terror which the latter inspired at the time of the battle of Marathon. — Immense effect of the Marathonian victory on the feelings of the Greeks — especially of the Athenians. — Who were the traitors that invited the Persians to Athens after the battle — false imputation on the Alkmæônids. — Supernatural belief connected with the battle — commemorations of it. — Return of Datis to Asia — fate of the Eretrian captives. — Glory of Miltiadês — his subsequent conduct — unsuccessful expedition against Paros — bad hurt of Miltiadês. — Disgrace of Miltiadês on his return. — He is fined — dies of his wound — the fine is paid by his son Kimon. — Reflections on the closing adventures of the life of Miltiadês. — Fickleness and ingratitude imputed to the Athenians — how far they deserve the charge. — Usual temper of the Athenian dikasts in estimating previous services. — Tendency of eminent Greeks to be corrupted by success. — In what sense it is apparently true that fickleness was an attribute of the Athenian democracy. 311-378

CHAPTER XXXVII.

IONIC PHILOSOPHERS. — PYTHAGORAS. — KROTON AND SYBARIS.

Phalaris despot of Agrigentum. — Thalês. — Ionic philosophers — not a school or succession. — Step in philosophy commenced by Thalês. — Vast problems with scanty means of solution. — One cause of the vein of skepticism which runs through Grecian philosophy. — Thalês — primeval element of water, or the fluid. — Anaximander. — Problem of the One and the Many — the Permanent and the Variable. — Xenophanês — his doctrine the opposite of that of Anaximander. — The Eleatic school, Parmenidês and Zeno, springing from Xenophanês — their dialectics — their great influence on Grecian speculation. — Pherekydês. — History of Pythagoras. — His character and doctrines. — Pythagoras more a missionary and schoolmaster than a politician — his political efficiency exaggerated by later witnesses. — His ethical training — probably not applied to all the members of his order. — Decline and subsequent renovation of the Pythagorean order. — Pythagoras not merely a borrower, but an original and ascendent mind. — He passes from Samos to Kroton. — State of Kroton — oligarchical government — excellent gymnastic training and medical skill. — Rapid and wonderful effects said to have been produced by the exhortations of Pythagoras. — He forms a powerful club, or society, consisting of three hundred men taken from the wealthy classes at Kroton. — Political influence of Pythagoras — was an indirect result of the constitution of the order. — Causes which led to the subversion of the Pythagorean order. — Violences which accompanied its subversion. — The Pythagorean order is reduced to a religious and philosophical sect, in which character it continues. — War between Sybaris and Kroton. — Defeat of the Sybarites, and destruction of their city, partly through the aid of the Spartan prince Dorieus. — Sensation excited in the Hellenic world by the destruction of Sybaris. — Gradual decline of the Greek power in Italy. — Contradictory statements and arguments respecting the presence of Dorieus. — Herodotus does not mention the Pythagoreans, when he alludes to the war between Sybaris and Kroton. — Charondas, lawgiver of Katana, Naxos, Zanklê, Rhegium, etc. 378-419

HISTORY OF GREECE.

PART II.

CONTINUATION OF HISTORICAL GREECE.

CHAPTER XXV.

ILLYRIANS, MACEDONIANS, PÆONIANS.

Northward of the tribes called Epirotic lay those more numerous and widely extended tribes who bore the general name of Illyrians; bounded on the west by the Adriatic, on the east by the mountain-range of Skardus, the northern continuation of Pindus,—and thus covering what is now called Middle and Upper Albania, together with the more northerly mountains of Montenegro, Herzegovina, and Bosnia. Their limits to the north and north-east cannot be assigned, but the Dardani and Autariatæ must have reached to the north-east of Skardus and even east of the Servian plain of Kossovo; while along the Adriatic coast, Skylax extends the race so far northward as to include Dalmatia, treating the Liburnians and Istrians beyond them as not Illyrian: yet Appian and others consider the Liburnians and Istrians as Illyrian, and Herodotus even includes under that name the Eneti, or Veneti, at the extremity of the Adriatic gulf.[1] The Bulini, according to Skylax, were the northernmost Illyrian tribe: the Amantini, immediately northward of the Epirotic Chaonians, were the southernmost. Among the southern Illyrian tribes are to be numbered the Taulantii,—originally the possessors, afterwards the immediate neighbors, of the territory on which Epidamnus was founded. The ancient geographer Hekatæus[2] (about 500 B. C.), is sufficiently well acquainted with them to specify their town Sesarêthus: he also named the Chelidonii as their northern, the Encheleis as their southern neighbors; and the Abri also as a tribe nearly adjoining. We hear of the Illyrian Parthini, nearly in the same regions,—of the Dassaretii,[3] near Lake Lychnidus,—of the Penestæ, with a fortified town Uscana, north of the Dassaretii,—of the Ardiæans, the Autariatæ, and the Dardanians, throughout Upper Albania eastward as far as Upper Mœsia, including the range of Skardus itself; so that there were some Illyrian tribes conterminous on the east with Macedonians, and on the south with Macedonians as well as with Pæonians. Strabo even extends some of the Illyrian tribes much farther northward, nearly to the Julian Alps.[4]

[1] Herodot. i, 196; Skylax, c. 19-27; Appian. Illyric. c. 2, 4, 8.

The geography of the countries occupied in ancient times by the Illyrians, Macedonians, Pæonians, Thracians, etc., and now possessed by a great diversity of races, among whom the Turks and Albanians retain the primitive barbarism without mitigation, is still very imperfectly understood; though the researches of Colonel Leake, of Boué, of Grisebach, and others (especially the valuable travels of the latter), have of late thrown much light upon it. How much our knowledge is extended in this direction, may be seen by comparing the map prefixed to Mannert’s Geographie, or to O. Müller’s Dissertation on the Macedonians, with that in Boué’s Travels, but the extreme deficiency of the maps, even as they now stand, is emphatically noticed by Boué himself (see his Critique des Cartes de la Turquie in the fourth volume of his Voyage),—by Paul Joseph Schaffarik, the learned historian of the Sclavonic race, in the preface attached by him to Dr. Joseph Müller’s Topographical Account of Albania,—and by Grisebach, who in his surveys, taken from the summits of the mountains Peristeri and Ljubatrin, found the map differing at every step from the bearings which presented themselves to his eye. It is only since Boué and Grisebach that the idea has been completely dismissed, derived originally from Strabo, of a straight line of mountains (εὐθεῖα γραμμὴ, Strabo, lib. vii, Fragm. 3) running across from the Adriatic to the Euxine, and sending forth other lateral chains in a direction nearly southerly. The mountains of Turkey in Europe, when examined with the stock of geological science which M. Viquesnel (the companion of Boué) and Dr. Grisebach bring to the task, are found to belong to systems very different, and to present evidences of conditions of formation often quite independent of each other.

The thirteenth chapter of Grisebach’s Travels presents the best account which has yet been given of the chain of Skardus and Pindus: he has been the first to prove clearly, that the Ljubatrin, which immediately overhangs the plain of Kossovo at the southern border of Servia and Bosnia, is the north-eastern extremity of a chain of mountains reaching southward to the frontiers of Ætolia, in a direction not very wide of N-S.,—with the single interruption (first brought to view by Colonel Leake) of the Klissoura of Devol,—a complete gap, where the river Devol, rising on the eastern side, crosses the chain and joins the Apsus, or Beratino, on the western,—(it is remarkable that both in the map of Boué and in that annexed to Dr. Joseph Müller’s Topographical Description of Albania, the river Devol is made to join the Genussus, or Skoumi, considerably north of the Apsus, though Colonel Leake’s map gives the correct course.) In Grisebach’s nomenclature Skardus is made to reach from the Ljubatrin as its north-eastern extremity, south-westward and southward as far as the Klissoura of Devol: south of that point Pindus commences, in a continuation, however, of the same axis.

In reference to the seats of the ancient Illyrians and Macedonians Grisebach has made another observation of great importance (vol. ii, p. 121). Between the north-eastern extremity, Mount Ljubatrin, and the Klissoura of Devol, there are in the mighty and continuous chain of Skardus (above seven thousand feet high) only two passes fit for an army to cross: one near the northern extremity of the chain, over which Grisebach himself crossed, from Kalkandele to Prisdren, a very high col, not less than five thousand feet above the level of the sea; the other, considerably to the southward, and lower as well as easier, nearly in the latitude of Lychnidus, or Ochrida. It was over this last pass that the Roman Via Egnatia travelled, and that the modern road from Scutari and Durazzo to Bitolia now travels. With the exception of these two partial depressions, the long mountain-ridge maintains itself undiminished in height, admitting, indeed, paths by which a small company either of travellers or of Albanian robbers from the Dibren, may cross (there is a path of this kind which connects Struga with Ueskioub, mentioned by Dr. Joseph Müller, p. 70, and some others by Boué, vol. iv, p. 546), but nowhere admitting the passage of an army.

To attack the Macedonians, therefore, an Illyrian army would have to go through one or other of these passes, or else to go round the north-eastern pass of Katschanik, beyond the extremity of Ljubatrin. And we shall find that, in point of fact, the military operations recorded between the two nations carry us usually in one or other of these directions. The military proceedings of Brasidas (Thucyd. iv, 124),—of Philip the son of Amyntas king of Macedon (Diodor. xvi, 8),—of Alexander the Great in the first year of his reign (Arrian, i, 5), all bring us to the pass near Lychnidus (compare Livy, xxxii, 9; Plutarch, Flaminin. c. 4); while the Illyrian Dardani and Autariatæ border upon Pæonia, to the north of Pelagonia, and threaten Macedonia from the north-east of the mountain-chain of Skardus. The Autariatæ are not far removed from the Pæonian Agrianes, who dwelt near the sources of the Strymon, and both Autariatæ and Dardani threatened the return march of Alexander from the Danube into Macedonia, after his successful campaign against the Getæ, low down in the course of that great river (Arrian, i, 5). Without being able to determine the precise line of Alexander’s march on this occasion, we may see that these two Illyrian tribes must have come down to attack him from Upper Mœsia, and on the eastern side of the Axius. This, and the fact that the Dardani were the immediate neighbors of the Pæonians, shows us that their seats could not have been far removed from Upper Mœsia (Livy, xlv, 29): the fauces Pelagoniæ (Livy, xxxi, 34) are the pass by which they entered Macedonia from the north. Ptolemy even places the Dardani at Skopiæ (Ueskioub) (iii, 9); his information about these countries seems better than that of Strabo.

[2] Hekatæi Fragm. ed. Klausen, Fr. 66-70; Thucyd. i, 26.

Skylax places the Encheleis north of Epidamnus and of the Taulantii. It may be remarked that Hekatæus seems to have communicated much information respecting the Adriatic: he noticed the city of Adria at the extremity of the Gulf, and the fertility and abundance of the territory around it (Fr. 58: compare Skymnus Chius, 384).

[3] Livy, xliii, 9-18. Mannert (Geograph. der Griech. und Römer, part vii, ch. 9, p. 386, seq.) collects the points and shows how little can be ascertained respecting the localities of these Illyrian tribes.

[4] Strabo, iv, p. 206.

With the exception of some portions of what is now called Middle Albania, the territory of these tribes consisted principally of mountain pastures with a certain proportion of fertile valley, but rarely expanding into a plain. The Autariatæ had the reputation of being unwarlike, but the Illyrians generally were poor, rapacious, fierce, and formidable in battle. They shared with the remote Thracian tribes the custom of tattooing[5] their bodies and of offering human sacrifices: moreover, they were always ready to sell their military service for hire, like the modern Albanian Schkipetars, in whom probably their blood yet flows, though with considerable admixture from subsequent emigrations. Of the Illyrian kingdom on the Adriatic coast, with Skodra (Scutari) for its capital city, which became formidable by its reckless piracies in the third century B. C., we hear nothing in the flourishing period of Grecian history. The description of Skylax notices in his day, all along the northern Adriatic, a considerable and standing traffic between the coast and the interior, carried on by Liburnians, Istrians, and the small Grecian insular settlements of Pharus and Issa. But he does not name Skodra, and probably this strong post—together with the Greek town Lissus, founded by Dionysius of Syracuse—was occupied after his time by conquerors from the interior,[6] the predecessors of Agrôn and Gentius,—just as the coast-land of the Thermaic gulf was conquered by inland Macedonians.

[5] Strabo, vii, p. 315; Arrian, i, 5, 4-11. So impracticable is the territory, and so narrow the means of the inhabitants, in the region called Upper Albania, that most of its resident tribes even now are considered as free, and pay no tribute to the Turkish government: the Pachas cannot extort it without greater expense and difficulty than the sum gained would repay. The same was the case in Epirus, or Lower Albania, previous to the time of Ali Pacha: in Middle Albania, the country does not present the like difficulties, and no such exemptions are allowed (Boué, Voyage en Turquie, vol. iii, p. 192). These free Albanian tribes are in the same condition with regard to the Sultan as the Mysians and Pisidians in Asia Minor with regard to the king of Persia in ancient times (Xenophon, Anab. iii, 2, 23).

[6] Diodor. xv, 13: Polyb. ii, 4.

Once during the Peloponnesian war, a detachment of hired Illyrians, marching into Macedonia Lynkêstis (seemingly over the pass of Skardus a little east of Lychnidus, or Ochrida), tried the valor of the Spartan Brasidas; and on that occasion—as in the expedition above alluded to of the Epirots against Akarnania—we shall notice the marked superiority of the Grecian character, even in the case of an armament chiefly composed of helots newly enfranchised, over both Macedonians and Illyrians,—we shall see the contrast between brave men acting in concert and obedience to a common authority, and an assailing host of warriors, not less brave individually, but in which every man is his own master,[7] and fights as he pleases. The rapid and impetuous rush of the Illyrians, if the first shock failed of its effect, was succeeded by an equally rapid retreat or flight. We hear nothing afterwards respecting these barbarians until the time of Philip of Macedon, whose vigor and military energy first repressed their incursions, and afterwards partially conquered them. It seems to have been about this period (400-350 B. C.) that the great movement of the Gauls from west to east took place, which brought the Gallic Skordiski and other tribes into the regions between the Danube and the Adriatic sea, and which probably dislodged some of the northern Illyrians so as to drive them upon new enterprises and fresh abodes.

[7] See the description in Thucydidês (iv, 124-128); especially the exhortation which he puts into the mouth of Brasidas,—αὐτοκράτωρ μάχῃ, contrasted with the orderly array of Greeks.

“Illyriorum velocitas ad excursiones et impetus subitos.”

(Livy, xxxi, 35.)

What is now called Middle Albania, the Illyrian territory immediately north of Epirus, is much superior to the latter in productiveness.[8] Though mountainous, it possesses more both of low hill and valley, and ampler as well as more fertile cultivable spaces. Epidamnus and Apollonia formed the seaports of this territory, and the commerce with the southern Illyrians, less barbarous than the northern, was one of the sources[9] of their great prosperity during the first century of their existence,—a prosperity interrupted in the case of the Epidamnians by internal dissensions, which impaired their ascendency over their Illyrian neighbors, and ultimately placed them at variance with their mother-city Korkyra. The commerce between these Greek seaports and the interior tribes, when once the former became strong enough to render violent attack from the latter hopeless, was reciprocally beneficial to both of them. Grecian oil and wine were introduced among these barbarians, whose chiefs at the same time learned to appreciate the woven fabrics,[10] the polished and carved metallic work, the tempered weapons, and the pottery, which issued from Grecian artisans. Moreover, the importation sometimes of salt-fish, and always that of salt itself, was of the greatest importance to these inland residents, especially for such localities as possessed lakes abounding in fish, like that of Lychnidus. We hear of wars between the Autariatæ and the Ardiæi, respecting salt-springs near their boundaries, and also of other tribes whom the privation of salt reduced to the necessity of submitting to the Romans.[11] On the other hand, these tribes possessed two articles of exchange so precious in the eyes of the Greeks, that Polybius reckons them as absolutely indispensable,[12]—cattle and slaves; which latter were doubtless procured from Illyria, often in exchange for salt, as they were from Thrace and from the Euxine and from Aquileia in the Adriatic, through the internal wars of one tribe with another. Silver-mines were worked at Damastium in Illyria. Wax and honey were probably also articles of export, and it is a proof that the natural products of Illyria were carefully sought out, when we find a species of iris peculiar to the country collected and sent to Corinth, where its root was employed to give the special flavor to a celebrated kind of aromatic unguent.[13]

[8] See Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, vol. i, chs. 23 and 24; Grisebach, Reise durch Rumelien und nach Brussa, vol. ii, pp. 138-139; Boué, La Turquie en Europe, Géographie Générale, vol. i, pp. 60-65.

[9] Skymnus Chius, v, 418-425.

[10] Thucydidês mentions the ὑφαντὰ τε καὶ λεῖα, καὶ ἡ ἄλλη κατασκευὴ, which the Greek settlements on the Thracian coast sent up to king Seuthês (ii, 98): similar to the ὑφασμαθ᾽ ἱερὰ, and to the χεριαρᾶν τεκτόνων δαίδαλα, offered as presents to the Delphian god (Eurip. Ion. 1141; Pindar, Pyth. v, 46).

[11] Strabo, vii, p. 317; Appian, Illyric. 17; Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. c. 138. For the extreme importance of the trade in salt, as a bond of connection, see the regulations of the Romans when they divided Macedonia into four provinces, with the distinct view of cutting off all connection between one and the other. All commercium and connubium were forbidden between them: the fourth region, whose capital was Pelagonia (and which included all the primitive or Upper Macedonia, east of the range of Pindus and Skardus), was altogether inland, and it was expressly forbidden to draw its salt from the third region, or the country between the Axius and the Peneius; while on the other hand the Illyrian Dardani, situated northward of Upper Macedonia, received express permission to draw their salt from this third or maritime region of Macedonia: the salt was to be conveyed from the Thermaic gulf along the road of the Axius to Stobi in Pæonia, and was there to be sold at a fixed price.

The inner or fourth region of Macedonia, which included the modern Bitoglia and Lake Castoria, could easily obtain its salt from the Adriatic, by the communication afterwards so well known as the Roman Egnatian way; but the communication of the Dardani with the Adriatic led through a country of the greatest possible difficulty, and it was probably a great convenience to them to receive their supply from the gulf of Therma by the road along the Vardar (Axius) (Livy, xlv, 29). Compare the route of Grisebach from Salonichi to Scutari, in his Reise durch Rumelien, vol. ii.

[12] About the cattle in Illyria, Aristotle, De Mirab. Ausc. c. 128. There is a remarkable passage in Polybius, wherein he treats the importation of slaves as a matter of necessity to Greece (iv, 37). The purchasing of the Thracian slaves in exchange for salt is noticed by Menander.—Θρᾶξ εὐγενὴς εῖ, πρὸς ἄλας ἠγορασμένος: see Proverb. Zenob. ii, 12, and Diogenian, i, 100.

The same trade was carried on in antiquity with the nations on and near Caucasus, from the seaport of Dioskurias at the eastern extremity of the Euxine (Strabo, xi, p. 506). So little have those tribes changed, that the Circassians now carry on much the same trade. Dr. Clarke’s statement carries us back to the ancient world: “The Circassians frequently sell their children to strangers, particularly to the Persians and Turks, and their princes supply the Turkish seraglios with the most beautiful of the prisoners of both sexes whom they take in war. In their commerce with the Tchernomorski Cossacks (north of the river Kuban), the Circassians bring considerable quantities of wood, and the delicious honey of the mountains, sewed up in goats’ hides, with the hair on the outside. These articles they exchange for salt, a commodity found in the neighboring lakes, of a very excellent quality. Salt is more precious than any other kind of wealth to the Circassians, and it constitutes the most acceptable present which can be offered to them. They weave mats of very great beauty, which find a ready market both in Turkey and Russia. They are also ingenious in the art of working silver and other metals, and in the fabrication of guns, pistols, and sabres. Some, which they offered us for sale, we suspected had been procured in Turkey in exchange for slaves. Their bows and arrows are made with inimitable skill, and the arrows being tipped with iron, and otherwise exquisitely wrought, are considered by the Cossacks and Russians as inflicting incurable wounds.” (Clarke’s Travels, vol. i, ch. xvi, p. 378.)

[13] Theophrast. Hist. Plant. iv, 5, 2; ix, 7, 4: Pliny. H. N. xiii, 2; xxi, 19: Strabo, vii, p. 326. Coins of Epidamnus and Apollonia are found not only in Macedonia, but in Thrace and in Italy: the trade of these two cities probably extended across from sea to sea, even before the construction of the Egnatian way; and the Inscription 2056 in the Corpus of Boeckh proclaims the gratitude of Odêssus (Varna) in the Euxine sea towards a citizen of Epidamnus (Barth, Corinthiorum Mercatur. Hist. p. 49; Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. c. 104).

Nor was the intercourse between the Hellenic ports and Illyrians inland exclusively commercial. Grecian exiles also found their way into Illyria, and Grecian mythes became localized there, as may be seen by the tale of Kadmus and Harmonia, from whom the chiefs of the Illyrian Encheleis professed to trace their descent.[14]

[14] Herodot. v, 61; viii, 137: Strabo, vii, p. 326. Skylax places the λίθοι of Kadmus and Harmonia among the Illyrian Manii, north of the Encheleis (Diodor. xix, 53; Pausan. ix, 5, 3).

The Macedonians of the fourth century B. C. acquired, from the ability and enterprise of two successive kings, a great perfection in Greek military organization without any of the loftier Hellenic qualities. Their career in Greece is purely destructive, extinguishing the free movement of the separate cities, and disarming the citizen-soldier to make room for the foreign mercenary, whose sword was unhallowed by any feelings of patriotism,—yet totally incompetent to substitute any good system of central or pacific administration. But the Macedonians of the seventh and sixth centuries B. C. are an aggregate only of rude inland tribes, subdivided into distinct petty principalities, and separated from the Greeks by a wider ethnical difference even than the Epirots; since Herodotus, who considers the Epirotic Molossians and Thesprotians as children of Hellen, decidedly thinks the contrary respecting the Macedonians.[15] In the main, however, they seem at this early period analogous to the Epirots in character and civilization. They had some few towns, but were chiefly village residents, extremely brave and pugnacious. The customs of some of their tribes enjoined that the man who had not yet slain an enemy should be distinguished on some occasions by a badge of discredit.[16]

[15] Herodot. v, 22.

[16] Aristot. Polit. vii, 2, 6. That the Macedonians were chiefly village residents, appears from Thucyd. ii, 100, iv, 124, though this does not exclude some towns.

The original seats of the Macedonians were in the regions east of the chain of Skardus (the northerly continuation of Pindus)—north of the chain called the Cambunian mountains, which connects Olympus with Pindus, and which forms the north-western boundary of Thessaly. But they did not reach so far eastward as the Thermaic gulf; apparently not farther eastward than Mount Bermius, or about the longitude of Edessa and Berrhoia. They thus covered the upper portions of the course of the rivers Haliakmôn and Erigôn, before the junction of the latter with the Axius; while the upper course of the Axius, higher than this point of junction, appears to have belonged to Pæonia,—though the boundaries of Macedonia and Pæonia cannot be distinctly marked out at any time.

The large space of country included between the above-mentioned boundaries is in great part mountainous, occupied by lateral ridges, or elevations, which connect themselves with the main line of Skardus. But it also comprises three wide alluvial basins, or plains, which are of great extent and well-adapted to cultivation,—the plain of Tettovo, or Kalkandele (northernmost of the three), which contains the sources and early course of the Axius, or Vardar,—that of Bitolia, coinciding to a great degree with the ancient Pelagonia, wherein the Erigon flows towards the Axius,—and the larger and more undulating basin of Greveno and Anaselitzas, containing the upper Haliakmôn with its confluent streams. This latter region is separated from the basin of Thessaly by a mountainous line of considerable length, but presenting numerous easy passes.[17] Reckoning the basin of Thessaly as a fourth, here are four distinct inclosed plains on the east side of this long range of Skardus and Pindus,—each generally bounded by mountains which rise precipitously to an alpine height, and each leaving only one cleft for drainage by a single river,—the Axius, the Erigôn, the Haliakmôn, and the Peneius respectively. All four, moreover, though of high level above the sea, are yet for the most part of distinguished fertility, especially the plains of Tettovo, of Bitolia, and Thessaly. The fat, rich land to the east of Pindus and Skardus is described as forming a marked contrast with the light calcareous soil of the Albanian plains and valleys on the western side. The basins of Bitolia and of the Haliakmôn, with the mountains around and adjoining, were possessed by the original Macedonians; that of Tettovo, on the north, by a portion of the Pæonians. Among the four, Thessaly is the most spacious; yet the two comprised in the primitive seats of the Macedonians, both of them very considerable in magnitude, formed a territory better calculated to nourish and to generate a considerable population, than the less favored home, and smaller breadth of valley and plain, occupied by Epirots or Illyrians. Abundance of corn easily raised, of pasture for cattle, and of new fertile land open to cultivation, would suffice to increase the numbers of hardy villagers, indifferent to luxury as well as to accumulation, and exempt from that oppressive extortion of rulers which now harasses the same fine regions.[18]

[17] Boué, Voyage en Turquie, vol. i, p. 199: “Un bon nombre de cols dirigés du nord au sud, comme pour inviter les habitans de passer d’une de ces provinces dans l’autre.”

[18] For the general physical character of the region, both east and west of Skardus, continued by Pindus, see the valuable charter of Grisebach’s Travels above referred to (Reisen, vol. ii. ch. xiii, pp. 125-130; c. xiv, p. 175; c. xvi, pp. 214-216; c. xvii, pp. 244-245).

Respecting the plains comprised in the ancient Pelagonia, see also the Journal of the younger Pouqueville, in his progress from Travnik in Bosnia to Janina. He remarks, in the two days’ march from Prelepe (Prilip) through Bitolia to Florina, “Dans cette route on parcourt des plaines luxuriantes couvertes de moissons, de vastes prairies remplies de trèfle, des plateaux abondans en pâturages inépuisables, où paissent d’innombrables troupeaux de bœufs, de chèvres, et de menu bétail.... Le blé, le maïs, et les autres grains sont toujours à très bas prix, à cause de la difficulté des débouchés, d’où l’on exporte une grande quantité de laines, de cotons, de peaux d’agneaux, de buffles, et de chevaux, qui passent par le moyen des caravanes en Hongrie.” (Pouqueville, Voyage dans la Grèce, tom. ii, ch. 62, p. 495.)

Again, M. Boué remarks upon this same plain, in his Critique des Cartes de la Turquie, Voyage, vol. iv, p. 483, “La plaine immense de Prilip, de Bitolia, et de Florina, n’est pas représentée (sur les cartes) de manière à ce qu’on ait une idée de son étendue, et surtout de sa largeur.... La plaine de Sarigoul est changée en vallée,” etc. The basin of the Haliakmôn he remarks to be represented equally imperfectly on the maps: compare also his Voyage, i, pp. 211, 299, 300.

I notice the more particularly the large proportion of fertile plain and valley in the ancient Macedonia, because it is often represented (and even by O. Müller, in his Dissertation on the ancient Macedonians, attached to his History of the Dorians) as a cold and rugged land, pursuant to the statement of Livy (xlv, 29), who says, respecting the fourth region of Macedonia as distributed by the Romans, “Frigida hæc omnis, duraque cultu, et aspera plaga est: cultorum quoque ingenia terræ similia habet: ferociores eos et accolæ barbari faciunt, nunc bello exercentes, nunc in pace miscentes ritus suos.”

This is probably true of the mountaineers included in the region, but it is too much generalized.